Reservation Without Representation? The Limits of the Women’s Reservation Bill

By Khushi Tyagi | Jammu

The Women’s Reservation Bill, now operationalized in 2026 after decades of political debate, is being celebrated as a historic step towards gender justice. By proposing 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies, the legislation promises to reshape India’s political landscape.

But beneath this celebration lies a deeper and more uncomfortable question: does reservation automatically translate into representation? The answer, at least for now, appears uncertain.

India’s record on women’s political participation remains strikingly poor. In the 2024 Lok Sabha, women constitute only about 13–14% of members, far below the proposed 33% target. Even more telling is the pipeline problem—only around 9–10% of candidates in the 2024 elections were women, exposing the reluctance of political parties to field female candidates in the first place.This brings up a crucial question – will the parties be willing to voluntarily support women in politics, despite a constitutional provision?

Further, the structure of the Bill itself calls for scepticism. Since its execution depends on delimitation and the census process, its actual application will only take place after 2029 at the earliest. In effect, this means that an amendment which claims to be a matter of urgency when it comes to gender equality will be left to be executed later.

Then there is the issue of who gets to benefit. While the Bill offers horizontal reservation to include SC/ST women, it does not speak about reservations for OBCs in the quota system, which has been sought for a long time now.

Experience with governance in local bodies adds another layer to the discussion. It should be noted that India already has around 14.5 lakhs elected women representatives in Panchayati Raj institutions making up almost 46% of the total number of representatives. However, as several empirical research and observations have proven, there are numerous examples of proxy representation, whereby women serve as representatives while decisions are actually taken by their male relatives.

In case the situation persists in grassroots governance, there are few guarantees that it will not continue to reproduce itself on all other levels.It would be even more pressing an issue for states such as Jammu & Kashmir which are experiencing various difficulties related to political representation, delimitation, regional disparities, and change in the very structure of governance in the region.

This, however, is not an argument against the need for a Women’s Reservation Bill. To the contrary, it is desperately needed. As far as the proportion of women represented in legislative assemblies across the world, India lags behind the global average of 27%.

However, reservation alone cannot fix a system that is fundamentally exclusionary. Political empowerment requires more than seats—it requires party-level reform, leadership opportunities, financial support, and dismantling of entrenched biases.The danger lies in mistaking a legislative milestone for a social transformation.

The Women’s Reservation Bill has the potential to reshape Indian democracy—but only if it is implemented with urgency, inclusivity, and accountability. Otherwise, it risks becoming what many landmark reforms in India have eventually turned into: a powerful idea weakened by delayed execution and limited impact.

Because representation is not just about numbers in Parliament.
It is about who speaks, who decides, and who truly holds power.